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Engage your audience

With hundreds of millions of people around the world participating in social networks, it’s become passé to try to “be the message”. If your campaign mainly aims at building your sense of community, it’s OK to generate expressions and send them to one another, which is typically what selfie-campaigns do. By if you’re trying to change anybody’s heart and mind, your campaign shouldn’t send a message, it shouldn’t even generate expressions. It should convene a conversation, as only conversations move positions.

One finding that stood out from a survey by the Case Foundation was that 74 percent of non-profits use social media as a megaphone to announce events and share what they’re up to, instead of seeking out conversations.

Online campaigning is to polarize a discussion effectively, and then curate the conversation to make your side more compelling. And to create the conversation, you have to engage your audience.

Here are some tips for achieving this

Find the right tactic to avoid a ghost town.

If there isn’t any engagement with your social media efforts, it generally keeps new visitors from engaging. How do you first encourage engagement? You can recruit a handful of very loyal supporters – staff and volunteers – and get them to commit to participating in your social media efforts.

If you have some clout, you should also recruit leaders. See for example how the “Internet for schools” campaign by Social Driver and The Alliance for Education Excellence started their mobilisation:

“In order to start the campaign off, Social Driver identified 20 key influencers in the education space that they knew could kick-start a conversation. Once they were onboard and excited, Social Driver had them each make a video explaining why internet access and WiFi is important for schools – and post it with a tag to the FCC. From there, the snowball started rolling. Other educators, parents and students started to make similar videos, and even more people started to call on the FCC to expand internet and wifi coverage. All those conversations, impressions, and direct calls on the FCC gave the campaign the voice and weight it needed to be heard.”

Get your people out there to create content !

People don’t want to just participate in a campaign, they want to be the message.

The pinnacle of this is citizen journalism.

For a compelling introduction to what that is, we highly recommend this interesting TedTalk about Storify.com

Ask questions

This gets high interaction rates. Posts on Facebook with a question mark generate twice as much engagement as other posts.

Include photos or graphics with posts

A tweet with visual gets on average 50% more engagement than others.

Every user matters

It’s not just to keep that one user engaged. It shows all users that THEY would matter too, which is the single strongest driver of engagement.

Negative comments are an opportunity ! there is nothing better to start a conversation and wake up sleepy troops than a good troll. Interact, don’t delete.

Make sub-communities

Being/becoming part of a group is one of the fundamental drivers of our engagements. The more this community is made visible, the more people will engage. Look at the #hometovote campaign in Ireland: one of the target groups of the campaigns to get people to support same-sex marriage in Ireland and vote in the referendum were Irish people from the diaspora. To get them to come back, which represents a very strong form of engagement, campaigners created this very specific community, formalised by a hashtag among other expressions, which gave people this additional sense of belonging that propelled them to act

Get out there

We spend most of our time preaching to the choir, when we should really spend at least 70% of our time reaching out to our target audience of the moveable middle: these people whose views, attitudes and actions can be shifted.

Are we all really investing the spaces that our target group is on, instead of talking to one another? We definitely need to assess where we spend our time, and adjust when needed.

Hugging homophobia away – An Indian campaign takes to the streets

From Times of India

Mayank Manohar| TNN | Oct 5, 2015, 12.11 AM IST

NEW DELHI: Supporters and members of the LGBT community took out a campaign, “Free Hug”, in Connaught Place on Sunday. They marched with placards that read, “I am gay, will you hug me” in a bid to spread the message of equality and acceptance.
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Asserting that LGBT people should be seen as normal people, they chanted slogans like “I am gay, please hug me” and “Hugs are harmless”. Many onlookers came forward and hugged the participants as a sign of solidarity.Siddharth Singh, a Delhi University student who took part in the campaign, said the response from the public was encouraging. “I did not expect so many people would actually come forward and hug us. It is a great feeling to be seen as a normal people and not being discriminated just because I have a different sexual orientation. We have our own right to live the way we want,” Singh said.

The campaign that took off on a low note gained momentum later with many people expressing their support for the LGBT community. “It is perfectly normal to be gay and people should understand it. It is not something for which they should be discriminated against. They are taking a great step to make people aware about their sexuality. It is a good initiative to connect with the society, which is slowly responding to their attempt,” said Shadman Alvi, another college student.
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Many Sunday revellers were seen cheering to the crowd and acknowledged that there was so much honesty and openness in their discussion about sexuality. “It is good to see people are not shying away and supporting their cause. I would love to join their campaign as a sign of my support for their initiative,” said Ankur Khurana, an IT professional.

When the campaign picked up its pace, people started taking selfies with the participants.

“We never expected such a warm response. The last time we carried out this campaign, comments were hurled at us but this time people are more welcoming. They asked us to take selfies with them. We cannot ask for more. They have shown lots of respect to us,” said Priyansh Dubey, one of the participants in the campaign.

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Around 35 people from the LGBT community participated in Sunday’s campaign that was held under the banner, “Queer Hugs-II”.

To succeed, movements must overcome the tension between rationality and emotion

By Georges Lakey, on Wavingnonviolence.org

 

When it comes to action, we are pulled by two tendencies that seem compatible but in practice are often in tension. We want our movements to be rational – that is, to strategize well, use resources efficiently, and stay nimble. Yet, on the other hand, we may also want the products of emotion: to experience solidarity, to let empathy connect us with those who haven’t joined us, and to tap the righteous anger that goes with caring about injustice.

In my lifetime social movements have increasingly turned to trainers to increase their learning curve and make actions more effective. However, a movement’s wish to draw on the power of both rationality and emotion poses a challenge for trainers, who are influenced by middle-class bias and traditional education. Class and the academy push trainers to privilege rationality and ignore the wellspring of emotion.

Fortunately, action reasserts the need for both, and training is learning to respond. The movement story in the United States shows the tension, and begins with the civil rights movement of the 1960s.

The civil rights movement didn’t solve this for everyone

The civil rights movement made more breakthroughs than today’s activists have yet caught up with, but that movement’s practice is not a complete answer for us today. I was a trainer in the civil rights movement and saw brilliant use of role play and other experiential tools for preparing to take on white segregationists and brutal police. The tools were helpful in bringing emotions like fear and anger to the surface and, by normalizing them, making them easier to manage.

The fullest positive use of emotion, however, was in the South where black church culture was strongest. Black preachers sought to be charismatic and many were expert in surfacing emotion, mobilizing what they called soul force for the nonviolent struggle. We see this in the film “Selma.”

Some civil rights activists at the time saw the charismatic leadership model as problematic, and in any case the black preacher tradition is not available for most of today’s movements. A practical organizational alternative for mobilizing emotion, however, was unclear. After the civil rights movement faded a few of its members joined others to form in 1971 the Movement for a New Society, or MNS.

In the early days we in MNS discovered “Pedagogy of the Oppressed,” a breakthrough book by the best-known initiator of popular education, Brazilian educator Paolo Freire. Popular education takes sides in the class struggle and honors the wisdom of oppressed people, assisting them through dialogue to name their experience, connect the dots and encourage each other to take action. The tools reassure people who have been told they can’t think well, partly through the facilitator asking questions and showing respect, and partly through the experience of thinking out loud and noticing that others in the group are paying attention.

Our trainers enthusiastically used Freire’s approach, finding that it did elicit more fully the rationality of a group. When MNS combined popular education with the action training born in the civil rights movement, our trainers became in demand around the United States and elsewhere. MNS helped the nonviolent anti-nuclear power movement win its remarkable victory in the late 1970s.

However, a curious phenomenon began popping up in MNS workshops: emotional revolts of participants that most often were expressed at the facilitator team, but also at each other. The workshops’ empowerment tools focused on the rational dimension of the participants. In these mini-revolutions, the group’s emotional life was demanding more attention.

A group in Starhawk’s attic yearns for solidarity

The 1999 Battle of Seattle over corporate-led globalization led to a series of mass confrontations with power holders in the United States and elsewhere. Nonviolent trainers went from city to city, facilitating workshops at each convergence. After a few years, leading activist Starhawk and I called trainers together to take stock of how we were doing. We met in her attic in San Francisco.

Trainers reported multiple successes at working in the midst of chaos, as well as limitations. They also raised strategic questions about the value of mass confrontations that had no concrete or achievable goals.

We turned to skill-sharing, which was fun, and comparisons of analytical frameworks. Suddenly the amicable bunch of trainers turned crabby. We found fault with each others’ comments, but especially distrusted the person who happened, by rotation, to be occupying the facilitator’s chair at the time. Participants urged solutions to our unhappiness: “Let’s go into pairs.” “We need a break.” “We should never have left that earlier point of disagreement.” “Maybe a group song would help.”

Nothing worked. I was as lost as anyone while a storm raged within the group. The facilitator looked flattened. One of the participants lost it, dramatically. Then a respected group member expressed vulnerability. Suddenly, the sun came out, we hugged whoever was near us, we laughed and paused for tea.

Only then did I realize we’d experienced an emotional process that sometimes shows up in groups. We started with our “honeymoon” period when everyone was making nice, then began the raw conflict when people showed more of themselves while peacemakers tried the impossible: to find rational solutions to our pain. Finally, we experienced the breakthrough into community and became, to use organizational development jargon, a “high-performance team.”

I remembered that a group generates a storm when its members want to experience acceptance for the deeper layers of themselves, including differences that they have been, up until then, keeping under wraps. In short, they want closeness, because human beings happen to be social animals.

The rational model suggests that group members could state differences and negotiate common ground in order to gain the solidarity needed for action. True enough, for low-risk, low-stakes action. However, movements often have high stakes that require members to endure fatigue and high stress, execute detailed teamwork, take big risks and draw deep support from their comrades. Nearly everyone has seen this in movies, including sports and war movies, in which a team or platoon that includes members who could never get along back home have together gained a win.

Movements often state goals that require this level of struggle to achieve, and so attract participants who expect to find the support to “go there” — but do not find it. Middle-class control trumps effectiveness in those movements, having only its rationality to offer. In Starhawk’s attic those present would not have asked, in so many words, for that bonding — it would have seemed corny or naïve. Instead, we created it emotionally, by storming.

The good news is that facilitators can be trained to recognize the early signs of a storm brewing and techniques for supporting the storm when it comes. The bad news is that facilitators rarely seek that training, or the other techniques for assisting groups to access their unconscious resources. As with traditional education, popular education did not go there.

Trainers invent direct education to support solidarity-based action

The group of activists who founded Training for Change in the 1990s developed over time a training practice that could make the most of what happened in Starhawk’s attic, and harnessed other group dynamics that support empowered action. Training for Change trainers knew the tools of the civil rights movement and the popular education used by MNS, so we started there. However, we also turned to the resource of emotion, incorporating insights on group dynamics reflected in, among other places, Starhawk’s book “Dreaming the Dark” and psychologist Arnold Mindell’s book “Sitting in the Fire.” My book “Facilitating Group Learning” summarizes a decade of discoveries about both the rational and emotional life of the group, and shares methods that work best across many cultural boundaries. Significantly, this was the action training approach that attracted the widest range of groups, from religious organizations to anarchists to nonprofits to labor unions.

Direct education gets push-back from those who limit learning to the conscious, rational realm, including those who believe that social change happens through wielding abstract academic language like “code-switching” or “intersectionality.”

Our experience is that, when groups bring forth real-world conflicts in the training room, participants get the chance to go to a deeper place and experience the behaviors that abstract words were invented to represent. Supporting conflict in the moment even helps some participants to un-hook from the class-formed attachment to words and become more present to what’s really happening. Actions that flow from such a process are more likely to have an impact on the real world of injustice, because those actions come from experience rather than words.

But what about ‘triggers?’

Conflict-friendly pedagogy contradicts a current assumption in anti-oppression circles that the goal in, for example, achieving racial justice is protectionThat assumption gives the facilitator the job of outlining rules to prevent conflict. In some classrooms professors are asked to give “trigger alerts” when material is coming that might in some way be experienced as oppressive.

I believe this trend is anti-liberation. It further empowers power holders, asking authorities (in this case, teachers) to take even more responsibility to monitor and control. It disempowers those who have suffered oppression, by assuming they can’t stand up for themselves when an insult appears. It excuses facilitators from the task of supporting participants to develop the muscles to fight for their own liberation.

The vision implicit in the current trend is to produce hot-house plants who can bloom only with shelter, called a “safe place.” That vision leaves me indignant: my gay and working-class self has grown in personal power in the real world where micro-aggressions abound. In fact, living in the real world helps motivate me to fight for broader change rather than retreat into yet another version of privilege where I will be insulated from the real world.

This well-meaning vision is, because of its classist roots, a version of the gated community.

Trauma survivors need and deserve support. Checking with the facilitator ahead of time might devise options that empower. Depending on the person’s own degree of healing, a particular workshop may or may not work for them. That may especially be true of train-the-trainer workshops, because new trainers need to unlearn reactivity and stay present with aggression that surfaces in a learning group.

The origin of direct education, with its roots in the civil rights movement and its use among oppressed groups that do stand up, insists on a distinction between safety and comfort. In a workshop the facilitator assists members of a group to be both safe and uncomfortable, because discomfort is where the greatest learning and growth are.

Needless to say, today’s movements need the steepest learning curve they can generate.

 

 

Artivism at its finest

From Huffington Post

A Venezuelan artist is making a bold statement about queerness and art’s power to aid in the breaking down of stereotypes related to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) identity.
The “I’m Not A Joke“ campaign from Daniel Arzola is a series of images inscribed with compelling truths about human diversity that encourages individuals to live as their authentic selves. He wants the images to eventually appear on buses and subways, exposing audiences to the realites of queer experiences in an attempt to breakdown prejudice in a form of activism that he calls “Artivism.”
Much of Arzola’s work comes from personal experience as an LGBT person growing up in Venezuela. “I had an violent adolescence because of [Venezuela’s intolerance],” he told The Huffington Post. “When I was 15-years-old they tied me to an electric pole and tried to burn me alive. I was able to escape that but I spent six years not being able to draw because they destroyed all of my drawings. After escaping that I transformed everything into lines and colors instead of returning the violence — I wanted to break the cycle.”
The Huffington Post chatted this week with Arzola about “Artivism,” his artwork and what he hopes to see accomplished through the “I’m Not A Joke” series.
Responses translated by HuffPost Latino Voices Editor Carolina Moreno.
  • Daniel Arzola
  • Daniel Arzola
    The Huffington Post: What is your overarching vision for “I’m Not A Joke”? Daniel Arzola: I only want someone who feels right now the way Ifelt in the past to be able to identify with one of my pieces/my works, and use it like a tool to fight the prejudice. And also to understand that perhaps they planted within them a guilt that doesn’t belong to them. There are a bunch of people out there being hurt and the majority feel ahistoric weight produced by generations of abuse. “I‘m Not A Joke” is for every person who others have tried to define with jokes because of things that they can’t change. Mockery is perhaps the most institutionalized form of violence that ever existed.
  • Daniel Arzola
  • Daniel Arzola
    You’re from Venezuela — how does your place of origin affect your work and what is life like for the LGBT community there? Venezuela is one of the countries in Latin America most behind when it comes to LGBT issues. I had a violent adolescence because of it. When I was 15-years-old they tied me to an electric pole and tried to burn me alive. I was able to escape that but I spent six years not being able to draw because they destroyed all of my drawings. After escaping that I transformed everything into lines and colors instead of returning the violence — I wanted to break the cycle. But there are people who haven’t been able to. Although there is abuse, there doesn’t exist an educational campaign about sexual diversity in Venezuela. In fact, the government continually has homophobic expressions.
  • Daniel Arzola
    You’ve previously talked about how the main goal of your work is to “artivism” — can you explain this term and talk more about it? “Artivism” is using art as a non-violent method of action to change mentalities. Art appeals to sensibility rather than reason, since prejudice hides in certain reasoning. Art possesses a message that prejudice cannot silence. That’s why Im expanding this idea — I have led workshops about Artivism in various universities in Venezuela and now I do it in Chile. You can fight against art, but you can’t beat it, because your words disappear but art will remain there — even when Im no longer alive.
  • Daniel Arzola
  • Daniel Arzola
    What do you hope to achieve with “I’m Not A Joke”? I would like to take it to bus stops (I already did it in Buenos Aires), or to subway stations. I want to keep visiting universities; I want to keep teaching artivism around the world. I want, in a way, to show that art can create awareness and awareness is the seed of a new reality — but, above all, to create a symbol or badge for those who try to denigrate others through ridicule.
  • Daniel Arzola
  • Daniel Arzola
    What do you want people, specifically young people, to take away from this project? The philosophy of my work is that we are not all the same. We are all different and that makes us diverse, and diversity is the biggest expression of liberty that exists — not to let any label limit us. I also believe in the power of each person. If I initiated all of this, with a voice that learned to scream and a defective computer, but with a thousand ideas in my head. Those people called “weird” are the ones changing the world. Let’s all be weird then.
  • Daniel Arzola

Want to see more from Arzola and his “I’m Not A Joke” series? Head here to check out the artist’s Tumblr.

 

Why Protest Someone Who Agrees With You? Here’s Why.

From Huffington Post

Whether it’s taking over government offices, or shutting down Wall Street or infiltrating TV shows to force a confrontation, sometimes political protests can be really inconvenient. And at times they target powerful people who already agree with the protestors! What’s the point of that?

Well, sometimes if you have a problem, you can work hand-in-hand with institutions that can help, through lobbying, and petitions, and meetings and fancy dinners.

But that doesn’t always work. Powerful people don’t like to talk about issues that make them uncomfortable.

For example, in 1982, a reporter asked Reagan’s press secretary if the president was aware of the AIDS epidemic. He answered, “I don’t have it. Do you?” And then he laughed, and moved on.

Problems that matter to people in the margins can get laughed at, or forgotten or set aside for more palatable topics. The issues get stuck. Getting them unstuck requires a large amount of force. It takes an uncomfortable action to make people talk about uncomfortable topics.

The Reagan White House was laughing about AIDS for most of the 80s, so ACT UP forced them to take it more seriously by shutting down Wall Street to demand better treatment and a national AIDS policy. Within months, Surgeon General C. Everett Koop sent a mailer about AIDS to every home in America. It was the largest mailing in history.

Even when powerful people agree with protestors, sometimes important problems get marginalized. It still takes a disruptive push to bring a topic from the margins to the center of everyone’s attention.

That’s why protestors chained themselves to the White House fence to protest Don’t Ask Don’t Tell. Obama had been saying for years that the military ban should be repealed but it wasn’t happening. So a group that included Dan Choi took action. Now obviously, one disruptive protest doesn’t solve a problem all by itself. But it keeps pushing the conversation. Centering the issue. Keeping it moving so it never gets stuck. Within a year of that protest, DADT repeal was signed into law.

Rude, uncomfortable, disobedient protests are particularly effective for people in disadvantaged positions. We tend to talk about Stonewall as the beginning of the modern LGBT liberation movement. But there was a riot at Compton’s Cafeteria in San Francisco three years earlier. Trans people had endured widespread harassment for years, and when a cop tried to arrest a trans woman just for being out in public, they finally fought back in a violent multi-day protest. It was messy and scary. But immediately afterwards, the San Francisco Police Department created COG, the first known trans support group in the country, along with the country’s first trans-focused social service agency.

Compare that to the polite rallies at the time. During the ‘60s, Frank Kameny organized some very professional, respectable protests in Washington DC. And although they formed the basis of later actions, you’ve probably never heard of them — and neither did people at the time. So Frank stepped up his tactics. In 1970, he led a protest against the American Psychiatric Association’s annual meeting, asking the APA to stop treating homosexuality as a mental illness. The next year, he crashed the meeting, grabbed the microphone and issued demands. That’s when things changed. The next year, the APA invited him to speak. And the year after that, the APA removed homosexuality from the DSM.

Every major advancement for people on the margins has required some disobedience. Yeah, it makes people uncomfortable. Sometimes it makes allies uncomfortable. And sometimes it makes the people taking the action uncomfortable. But that discomfort is the point.

It would be nice if there was a polite, palatable way for people who have limited access to power to affect change without hurting anyone’s feelings. But when people who do have access to power aren’t willing to talk about an important issue, and that issue is stuck, it’s never going to get any momentum unless you give it a strong shove.

It’s what we’ve seen over the last few decades with LGBT liberation. It’s what we saw with Occupy Wall Street. It’s what we see with Black Lives Matter. It even goes back to suffrage, when women were beaten and killed when they tried to force their way into government buildings. Suffragettes were accused of “militant hysteria.” Woodrow Wilson called them “obnoxious.” But as Laurel Thatcher Ulrich wrote, “well-behaved women seldom make history.”

If you’re a member of any group that’s been shut out, pushed aside, forgotten or made fun of, you’ll never change anything by following the rules. The rules are what marginalized you in the first place. You’ve got to break a few of them if you want to make history. And more importantly, change the future.